Publikationen

The costs of the Global Financial Crisis in terms of lost GDP growth have been higher in Europe than in the US. This is likely due to the outbreak of the European Sovereign Debt Crisis. To countervail its negative effects, the EU has made considerable efforts to initiate the European Banking Union with its ideal of a level playing field among credit institutions. In spite of these harmonization efforts, the level of heterogeneity of banks across member states in terms of their average performance, capital adequacy, and asset quality remains high. Banks in the Southern and Eastern European periphery are found to be less profitable and riskier than their counterparts in other regions of the EU. Given that such differences can be traced back, at least partially, to country-specific factors – economic, legal, and institutional conditions – applying the same prudential rules to all EU banks may fail to comply with the level-playing-field paradigm and actually distort the competition among European banks. The European banking sector is characterized by a rich variety of governance.

For decades, legislators worldwide have been discussing the merits of regulating their national audit markets. In this debate, the focus has primarily been on the regulations' effects on incentives, both those of preparers of financial statements to report truthfully and those of auditors to detect errors or even fraud and to correctly report their findings to the public. For some of the proposed measures, the empirical evidence as to whether they indeed improve such incentives remains inconclusive. In addition, there is a concern that certain regulations could negatively affect the structure of the audit market. Changes in the market structure, in turn, can either attenuate or reinforce the regulations' effects on preparers' and auditors' incentives. To a large extent, this unintended side-effect has been neglected in the discussions. We adapt a spatial competition model to the audit market. This model allows simultaneously analyzing the incentive and market structure effects resulting from regulations and thus determining their overall impact.

Wenig ist bekannt über das Vorgehen von Weiterbildenden bezüglich des Teilnehmertransfers. 15 leitfadengestützte Interviews wurden mit Führungskräftetrainer/innen durchgeführt und inhaltsanalytisch ausgewertet. Im Ergebnis verfügen die Befragten über ein breites, größtenteils mit der Forschungslage korrespondierendes Handlungsrepertoire und Wissen: Transfer wird als kontinuierlich verstanden und entsprechend gestützt, spezifische Lehrendenmerkmale werden als transferwirksam benannt. Zusätzlich beinhalten die Daten neue, plausibel erscheinende Transferaktivitäten.

Die Wohnungsfrage ist zurückgekehrt. Die Diagnose ist eindeutig: Wohnen wird – zumindest in einigen Städten – zum Luxusgut, bezahlbarer Wohnraum zur Mangelware. Die Wohnungsbaupolitik muss drastisch verändert werden. Sollte der soziale Wohnungsbau ausgebaut, die Mietpreisbremse verschärft werden oder – im Gegenteil – auf beides weitgehend verzichtet werden, da sich beide Instrumente als unwirksam erwiesen haben? Sollten stattdessen die Bauvorschriften gelockert und das Wohngeld reformiert und ausgebaut werden?

This study focused on trainers’ professional knowledge and skills. Forty-one aspects of trainer knowledge were identified from the empirical research literature and presented in an online questionnaire to 200 trainers, 253 trainees and 93 human resource development practitioners. The respondents rated the importance of each knowledge aspect for the professional activities of a trainer on a six-point Likert scale. The results indicate that subject-matter knowledge and communication techniques are considered vital for trainers, along with content-specific instructional knowledge such as specific training methods. Additionally, trainers are expected to provide clarity and structure, build relationships with trainees and create a constructive learning environment. Implications for future research and training practice are discussed.

It is well known that the explicit costs of raising a child have grown over the past several decades. Less well understood are the implicit costs of having a child, and how they have changed over time. In this article, we are the first to examine the evolution of the implicit costs of motherhood over the lifecycle and across generations using high quality administrative data. We estimate that the lifetime labor market income gap between mothers and women who never have children (never-mothers) decreases from around $350,000 to $280,000 between women born in the late 1940s and late 1960s. Gaps tend to increase monotonically over the lifecycle, and decrease monotonically between cohorts. Our evidence suggests that changes in the gaps are caused by changing labor force participation rates.